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The controversy over the exhibition once again underscores the double standard by which wartime Germany is routinely regarded. In contrast to the heavy stress by politicians and the media on victims of the Third Reich, especially Jewish Holocaust victims, there is comparative silence about victims of the Allies, especially those of America's wartime partner, the Soviet Union.

No one demands, or expects, self-abasing apologies from America's political leaders for the massive US support for Stalin during the Second World War. While the public is constantly exhorted to "never forget" the victims of the Holocaust, we hear no such admonition for the vastly more numerous victims of Communism.

The scholars who identified falsifications in the Wehrmacht exhibition are -- to use the pejorative label that is routinely applied to those who point out false Holocaust claims -- "deniers. Jewish groups have often criticized Germans for their alleged failure adequately to come to terms with their Nazi past.

But it is doubtful that political and social leaders in any other country would give their support to an exhibition that, in effect, indicts their grandfathers as criminals. In today's Germany, statements that call into question the official view of the Holocaust story can bring legal persecution. And truth is no defense.

He was punished for having told a Munich meeting that the structure in Auschwitz that has been portrayed for decades to tourists as an extermination gas chamber is a "dummy" Attrappe. Irving was found guilty of thus "disparaging the memory of the dead," a German criminal code provision that effectively "protects" only Jews. The judge refused to consider any of the evidence presented by Irving's attorneys, including a plea to permit the senior curator and archives director of the Auschwitz State Museum to testify in the case.

It is, of course, very unlikely that those responsible for the Wehrmacht exhibition will ever be charged, much less punished, for violating German laws against "insulting the memory of the dead" or against "popular incitement," two of the criminal code sections that are routinely applied to "Holocaust deniers. One can be sure that organizers of a comparable exhibition of Allied or Zionist crimes, no matter how factually accurate, would doubtless have to reckon with criminal indictment and prosecution.

American newspaper reports about the exhibition's revelations have tended to play down the scope of its misrepresentations, stressing that only a small portion of the photographs have been proven to be fraudulent. This is at least misleading, though, given that percent the exhibition photos portray nothing at all sinister or criminal.

In an article about the exhibition revelations, the London Times warned: One of the most harrowing photos in the "Wehrmacht crimes" exhibition supposedly shows German troops executing civilians in Serbia in the fall of Hungarian historian Kriszthin Ungvary has established that this picture actually shows an execution by Hungarian troops in Stari Becej which at the time belonged to Hungary of Communists who had been sentenced to death by a Hungarian military court for treason, murder and sabotage.

This deceitful and defamatory traveling exhibition could only have attained the stature it did with the thoughtless or cowardly cooperation of German historians and politicians. They knew, or should have known, how fundamentally mendacious this exhibit was, but many Germans today keep their mouths shut out of fear of being labeled a "revisionist," "nationalist," or "right-winger.

This is a consequence of a climate of intellectual repression, in which scholars are obliged to abide by a restrictive "political correctness," or risk public defamation or even legal persecution for daring to write or publish anything that might seem to "exonerate" the Third Reich regime. It is certainly not easy for a German scholar to present substantive criticisms on this topic without immediately being labeled a right-winger or being suspected of supporting the wrong side.

I find this very worrisome, and it is unfortunate that no one does anything about this in Germany. Criticism of the exhibition has largely been left to the right-wing extremists. The influential German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung wrote that the revelations highlighted the "intellectual climate" in today's Germany, which made possible a propagandistic enterprise with such prestigious backing.

On another occasion the daily newspaper commented: One is at a loss for words, considering that this is about such a serious subject.

One comes across something comparable only in government-organized disinformation campaigns. Perhaps the most widely-reproduced photograph in the anti-Wehrmacht exhibition is this one, which shows an execution by German troops in April in the town of Panchevo in the Vojvodina region. This was an execution of 18 Yugoslav army fighters who, disguised as civilians, had been involved in shootings of German soldiers.

As grim as it was, this execution was entirely in accord with internationally-sanctioned military law. I have the impression that the Germans have difficulties dealing with certain realities. A climate of consternation dominates, and this is certainly good for people such as Hannes Heer or Daniel Goldhagen. It provides around 40 million narrowband lines, over 9 million broadband lines and has 14 million registered Internet customers.

In , the structure was changed again. This unit now handles all products and services aimed at private customers. The size of the remaining stake was numbered at 40 percent.

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On another occasion the daily newspaper commented: In one exhibition photo, Musial explains, the corpses shown were actually Ukrainians who had been killed by the Soviet security police in Borislav in Galicia, western Ukraine.

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Keep me logged in Login. In one exhibition photo, Musial explains, the corpses shown were actually Ukrainians who had been killed by the Soviet security police in Borislav in Galicia, western Ukraine.

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